The climate of impunity that favored the serious human rights violations under scrutiny by this Committee, get a grip on the concentration of powers in the protection of restrictive legislation and abusive; into inaction when not the active complicity of relevant and several members of the judiciary, as well as some civilian members of the regime, in the prohibition of any public speech or political activity in total control of the media and,
including, actively supported by various print media and television to the military government action. This climate of Impunity also found support and conviction of the population, given the profound crisis that afflicted democracy and its institutions in exacerbating extreme ideology that validated the political violence as a means of struggle in place of the democratic way, the subordination of
country to the logic of the Cold War and that the influence of the Cuban revolution, in the failure of policies based on the pursuit of social development without economic development support in line, while generating huge and, ultimately, exceeded expectations raging rivers in the democratic process. This, exacerbated by movement of the business community, which since the beginning of the Popular Unity government to implement measures were applied destabilizing.
Considering that broth, you can understand why
authoritarian government, posing as the architect of the recovery of the broken institutions from the value of the Armed Forces as a model of austerity and honesty, could maintain its credibility by much longer than had been expected. The previous crisis favored its discretionary action, while a large majority of the population had no idea that the repression charge dimensions and gravity
reached. The very absence of political activity and a congressional oversight, coupled with the abdication of the judiciary and the omnipotent control over the media, unable to investigate and, on conviction, willing to policies of the new regime, were factors that made their way to one of the cruelest repressions known in history.
The military coup was one of the most dramatic milestones for the journalism of the past four decades, with serious implications for the rights and physical and moral integrity of many Chileans. A press release should be recalled, plunged into crisis even before the coup, considering the progressive deterioration of living reflected in their media, where political belligerence, verbal abuse and insults
opponent's aggressiveness had gone to extremes at odds with the norms of a peaceful democratic coexistence.
Leveraging these circumstances, the newly installed junta justified the total control of the media. The few allowed to operate, were subjected to censorship laws and indeed unfair. Simultaneously, it ordered the closure of the press supported the Unidad Popular. Closed radio stations and newspapers such as The Century, Last Time, Puro Chile, Clarín, El Diario de Concepción Color, World, Onda, Paloma, Ramona, Punto Final, Majority Agency Cuba's Prensa Latina news agency, CTK
Czechoslovakia and several community radios. Moreover, they confiscated their property, from buildings to
machinery. Editorial similar fate befell the Quimantú, in which publications were destroyed, and the company Chile Films. In this context restriction of liberties, they resorted to censorship of news and views site, the prohibition of films for ideological reasons and the seizure of publications.
State enterprises like the daily The Nation and National Television of Chile, now under the control of the new authorities, obviously changed its editorial policy, like what happened to the university television channels, mediated by the governing military delegates. For workers in the field of journalism in the context of the repressive process, the Commission became aware of 230 cases of journalists who suffered political imprisonment, to which we should add more than 70 cases of people in the same situation, related to that activity
. It should also be recalled that the Rettig Commission described the disappearance or execution of 23 journalists.
To control the information available to the majority of Chileans and restrict knowledge of the issues that should be part of the public, the military government invoked the defense of state security and precautions to protect public order or the imperatives of political recess, mounted a legal, refined over the years, that legalized censorship and sanctions against those who violated its severe restrictions, reserving for itself the power to unilaterally determine when and how
those assassination attempts. In advance how they violate the basic legal principle of legality in criminal matters, and the Edict No. 12, issued on the same September 11, 1973, provided: "It says to the press, radio and television stations that any information given the public and not confirmed by the Military Government Board, determine the immediate intervention of the respective company by the Armed Forces, subject to criminal liability determined by the Board in due course. "Then, Bando N ° 15, along with authorizing the publication of El Mercurio and La Tercera, stated:" The directors have the responsibility to provide daily before they are issued the respective samples with
review, warning that the issuance of any text not authorized shall be seized and destroyed. "In the same vein, on 19 September, Bando N º 37, regarding the radial field, reported that: "The Military Command has strict control over transfers. Consequently, any use of such systems for the purpose of provoking acts of insurgency or biased information, will be drastically punished. "
Clearly worded warnings in early instilled the principle of self-censorship as a preventive measure. Even media are allowed to move, as What Happens, Ercilla, The Latest News and La Segunda, worked with restrictions and direct censorship, even to complete columns occasionally appear blank. In fact, 8 October 1973 saw the first incident with one of these media, the newspaper Ultimas Noticias, closed for three days, claiming an "abuse of false sensationalism" that would have caused alarm in the population.
In However, the press presented the work of repression and crusades against crime, thus denigrating the opposition figures by his alleged association with criminal activity. In October 1973, Ercilla magazine published a report rejecting the condition of the prisoners gathered on Dawson Island, in whose offices it occurred, not only according to information collected by this Commission, but also allegations of the time.
In order to get you out the way to the wave of rumors about the mistreatment of detainees, the authorities have agreed to the scrutiny of journalists. To Ercilla, at least, the prisoners were "treatment deferential "and enjoyed" good health "as he prayed the owner." In the absence of the necessary guards and barbed wire, no one could say it was argued, that it is a containment field.
The physical aspect of inmates shows a freshness which was not characteristic of his previous life. Their faces are roasted product of sun and wind Magellan. "It remains clear that the financial press also played an active role in the dissemination of basic ideas of the military regime, helping, thereby, to the idea of \u200b\u200bthe existence of a internal enemy lurking, hidden arsenals at their disposal. It should be noted that the context of preexisting verbal violence Chilean politics was the occasion for this predicament. Demobilized
force, society and unable to express in urban areas, unless circumstantially support the regime. TV, fully subordinate to the new government from the beginning, it was then the only body capable of providing a collective experience that transcends the privacy of individuals. National coverage and penetration of all social strata, by 1982, nearly 78% of all households owned a machine-made television the most effective means to impose the official version of what was happening in the country, establishing a direct link , rare
time interfered with by discordant information, including mass audiences, shadowing citizenship forced recess, and government authorities. Thus, the opposition only made headlines for the wrong reasons. Their complaints against human rights violations were defined as petty acts by individuals, to that of promoting foreign interests hostile to the aggrandizement of the country, were willing to sell his home. The official version of events was synonymous with the truth, all it suggested a challenge to
aggression, not against the authorities, but against the country and the nation. While the opposition was linked to extremism, was intensified the fear of lawlessness to justify the need for strong leadership.
communication policy of the military junta magnified the imminent danger of civil war. Hence the White Paper and its allusion to the so-called Plan Z, including confidential documents reportedly found after the military coup, where he would record that the Popular Unity government was planning to start civil war on 17 September. Thus, any subversive action going to serve as a stimulus to a state of collective fear. Take for example an editorial in The Mercury entitled "The last battle of Chile", from October 5, 1973, where it reads: "The military raids and operational
police are not being made for no reason. Quite the contrary, the continuous discoveries of stockpiles, and other elements for a long guerrilla war or the formation of an army irregular, shows that for all legal purposes and public security, the country is at war.
Therefore, the implementation of relevant provisions of the Code of Military Justice is fully justified, as shown in television reports, radio, magazines and newspapers, as well as personal experience of many citizens. [...] Unfortunately, the imperative to the success of military action prevents many Sometimes it may be shown with every opportunity and widely disseminated evidence of high treason committed by the former regime leaders and political parties that supported him. "In this line, it should be noted that the subsequent trial that this Committee has been formed to In view of the testimony and evidence available on the grave
arbitrariness of Military Justice and the subsequent courts martial and the resignation of the powers of supervision of the Supreme Court was terse.
not be denied that the press constant news collected findings concerning stockpiles and extremist guerrilla schools often respond to assemblies the authorities, acting under a halo of certainty difficult to disprove, given the lack of spaces for critical opposition, but for some means of movement severely restricted. In the early years, in fact, the press was limited to disseminating what government sources provided without detailed investigative journalism, journalism difficult in any case, the secrecy with which the operations were performed. The media were a
daily support of the Government, publishing editorial proposing a sobering contrast between the weighted current and excessive release of the past, and among the virtues of the new administration and ineptitude, the mistakes and dishonesty of the deposed government, ignoring or omitting the severe repression. The editorial of the latest news of your edition of April 16, 1978 is illustrative in this regard:
" Freedom of expression is, in addition to a right of peoples, one of the most solid Democratic strongholds. The media, with ID, with respect, have been keepers of the power, without falling into excesses.
Good criteria, weighting and responsibility have been the prevailing tone
from the September 11, 1973 . " This presentation of herself as an example of moderation and balance, involved a newspaper admitting the existence of a state emergency needs, while confident that this irregular situation change over time.
The weekly Que Pasa offers an early example of moderate dissidents to the regime, due to civilians who aspired to higher degrees of institutionalization of the authoritarian system and a decisive participation in its management. By mid-1975 he began to show disapproval of the practices of the security services, on time of the DINA, although referring, rather, the political cost involved barricaded with ammunition to critics who advocated the international isolation of Chile. In fact, the call for moderation was expected to strengthen to purpose of the Letelier case, which seriously affected the relations with the United States. However, on the other hand, as well as censorship of the DINA, in its issue of December 9, 1975, What Happens condemned the rescue of victims by the Committee for Peace
, accusing him of offering a "violent direct collaboration Marxist-Leninist and anti-Chilean foreign propaganda "that it considers the country's emergency situation, threatened externally by a vicious smear campaign, and within the" terrorism "and" guerrilla ":" An emergency so acute "read the editorial" was cause and does cause human rights problems. There is no war 'clean' are foreign, civil or subversion as we fight ".
Also, the media began to be introduced and spread generalizing terminology, away from the civilian world, he spoke of guerrillas, subversives, stateless persons, traitors, etc. Thus, those who ventured to raise complaints, suffered from a salvo's communications system, as happened in 1976, during the meeting in Chile of foreign ministers of the member countries of the Organization of American States (OAS) . On that occasion, a group of lawyers introduced the guests a document that called attention to the deplorable situation internal Human Rights. The replica of government communications apparatus, which then took pains to exhibit a benign image of the country, the text defined as a work report to the nation
libelous, attributed to traitors in collusion with international Marxism, with Soviet communism.
Incidents like this illustrate the contrast between the existing interest abroad to denounce these abuses, and as was disclosed in the country through official channels. Given this dichotomy, the national media, despite willing to keep their editorial with the regime, not deprived of making known the facts alleged by way of publishing respective information on inside pages, without detaching, and transcriptions by cable. In this way the reports circulated State Department, International Red Cross, the commission of the Organization of American States
(OAS) and the Organization of the United Nations (UN), Amnesty International and
foreign correspondents in the country. Accommodate this type of information
earned him rebukes the newspaper El Mercurio, even one of its directors must abandon their duties. The director of The Second, because of these reasons, had to leave the country on two occasions for periods longer than 30 days, following to recommendations of the Secretary General of Government to prevent the daily penalties. These journals, as well as the Que Pasa, without appealing directly for human rights, opted to use political arguments to move the authorities to avoid anomalous facts in this regard, citing the political inconvenience of abuse "arguments delivered weapons to attack the government of Chile. "
Over time, many publishers embraced the theme, again in an indirect way, the defense of freedom of the press, criticizing the restrictions, making adverse judgments on legal texts related to the theme or referring to what was expressed in meetings Inter American Press Association (IAPA). It is also true that the very proliferation of information made it easier for international dissemination of facts. Thus, the June 9, 1976, El Mercurio published a full report of the OAS on the status of the issue of human rights in Chile, a document whose header is read the following words: " ... making a special effort in order that the public has the full background to serve as a basis for discussion on Human Rights takes place at the OAS . " This report, incidentally, had been rigged in the government's response. In turn, on 31 June that year, La Tercera newspaper was unable to move for a day for breaking the Bando N ° 98, which banned publications on the Human Rights presentation was made before mentioned group of lawyers at the OAS meeting held in Chile. On July 2, in an editorial titled "Censorship of the press?", El Mercurio, calling the measure, said she "was not established based on clear legal grounds. [...] It is hoped that application of constraints on freedom of press is avoided in the future benefit to the government and media advertising affected. "
However, the National Directorate for Social Communication (DINACOS) began to take effect communications from the General Secretariat of Government, to advise the m inistry in the formulation of communication policies and monitor abuses of advertising and media. In turn, this entity was responsible for filtering the information to develop the official discourse, in part, that provided to all media. Furthermore, over a long period, together with disinformation, DINACOS adopted a policy of active propaganda, which consists of subtracting any validity to the allegations sought to create awareness about the ongoing violations, going so far as to use the same tortured by agents the military regime to invalidate the charges of torture against him. On December 9, 1982, in a program entitled "Terrorism", National Television showed four people who blame themselves for crimes they then deny having committed. Video recordings had been made by the CNI in secret places and testimony were the result of torture suffered
there. By displaying such "confessions" extracted by force, with the authorization of the director
DINACOS, National Television
made public facts that were under a gag, then even
lack of lawyers of the accused. Needless to recall that in 1975, the DINA had used torture victims to appear on the screen asking statements of this nature. In that regard, later the magazine published today, in its issue No. 470 of July 1986, secrets of a former National Television TVN connections with the CNI. There was evidence that "TVN Cameramen film a lot because people send them to the protests and marches university. What happens is that the material is then displayed and no one knows what they do with it but it is easy to guess. Of course this is not the fault of the professionals-they follow commands, but those above. "
So for years weighed the benefit of repressive policies, the absence of opposition press that diversified views on the facts and show the performance of the agents of State for Human Rights, investigating, with the risks inherent in the case, the violations to tell the military. In the early days, the only remnants of view clearly discordant (beyond the earliest recorded), were confined to low-circulation publications, so without further repercussions, as the Post magazine, linked to the Jesuits. It was not until the year 1976 for the first begin to appear new foreign media organizations or contrary to the ideological and social platform military regime. Solidarity magazine, sponsored by the Archdiocese of Santiago, welcomed the need to denounce the repressive policy, of course, political imprisonment and torture, "but never became a more well
limited the scope of the Catholic Church. Apsi magazine was born the same year, as a means for the international review in order to escape the grip of the censor. In 1977 begin to move now and then analysis. Under the conditions prevailing at the time, was obviously not easy to get to the truth.
The emergence of these new media was viewed favorably by the advocates of freedom of expression. However, the January 28, 1977, one of the true facts would evidence of that optimism as risky. On that date, the Head of Area in the State of Emergency Santiago indefinitely suspended the broadcasts of Radio Balmaceda, and subject to censorship before and temporary. El Mercurio, February 1, 1977 responded, stating editorially that: "The decision to suspend broadcasts of the radio will certainly have an unfavorable external economic times to be held in Geneva on consideration of the situation of Human Rights in Chile" . The issuance of Proclamation No. 107, March 1977, would remove any doubt about the official position of
government. Relentless in its guidelines, the bands in question provided that the foundation, editing, publishing, circulation, distribution and marketing of new newspapers, magazines, newspapers or printed should have official authorization. This measure was extended to the importation and marketing of books, newspapers, magazines and printed. This band made The Mercury March 28, 1977, in an editorial entitled "Proceedings of the National Press Association, said that this text" is intended to sharpen the consensus abroad that freedom in Chile information is severely restricted. " And on April 10, in "The Political Week" add: "It is possible that institutional arrangements Chilean military regime established our freedom to save, revive the mechanism of the index for foreign books or new publications that may be in Chile." In its issue of May 22, 1977, El Mercurio again address the issue of press freedom, saying: "This approval for a new weekly magazine (Today) took a long time, but the approval is favorable to the government. This demonstrates once again the futility of a preliminary that only creates tension while people wish to be informed from different points of view. "
Notwithstanding the foregoing, it is Clearly, the indirect efforts of the press close to the regime open to information forbidden and foster freedom of expression were far from sufficient. His message went unheeded by the authorities and were not fully understood by readers who did not understand or, in many cases, they would not assimilate the true scale and gravity of the tragic events that were happening in those years.
In the future, the Constitution of 1980 would mark the tone for what would be restrictions on individual and collective freedoms. Article 8, which would not be repealed until the constitutional reform of 1989, stated: "Any act of a person or group intended to propagate doctrines which attack the family, advocate violence or a conception of society, the state or legal order, of a totalitarian character or based on class struggle is unlawful and contrary to the institutional order of the Republic. "These terms were unambiguous for some, and very misleading to others, when restrictions and sanctions was, indeed if they present the all-embracing powers conferred on the authorities Articles transients that constitution, particularly the 10 th, on the ban develop an activity, such action or partisan political management, 15 °; 18 º and 24 º, on states of emergency dependent only
President of the Republic, or assembly and site-delivered to the Board of
Government proposition that, apart from the absolute powers of arrest, restrictions on freedom of assembly and information, where situations of "danger of disturbing the peace within."
Meanwhile, since 1984, censure intensified by decree. No. 1217, for example, refers to the prohibition of reporting on events that "cause alarm in the population, deliberate vagueness terms of the type prohibited for allowing all kinds of arbitrariness, the Decree No. 571 (1985), which suspended the movement of six journals of the opposition and criticized the magazine today, and Exempt Decree No. 324, also in 1985 that banned reporting on political parties, called for protests, terrorism, etc. Despite these restrictions, despite the adverse reports on the situation of freedom of expression in Chile, the media of opposition grows stronger in the 1980's, new media, often poorly edited and poor circulation, sometimes give scope and enhance the work of grassroots organizations that fought to restore the social fabric of solidarity networks. Among the most active in denouncing violations Human rights include the magazine and newspaper
Channel Fortin Mapocho. Now in its second issue
Channel had ventured with a cover that alludes to the torture, the central theme of the edition:
" Life has continued in the country, is an editorial at that time, during these ten years
as if nothing happen , while in secret locations thousands of people suffered or are suffering horrific punishments for crimes set by the subjects themselves pathological commissioned by the authority to officiate investigators, prosecutors, judges and executioners, all at the same time, not being safeguarded by justice " .
This relative openness of information-favored precarious pressures and external funding sources, allowing decompression of the pressure of censorship, bringing to the surface issues previously silenced, but in any case, end the veto powers of the authorities. Still, with the emergence of today inaugurates a new stage, always under threat, but decided to monitor the actions of the military regime. And begin to investigate past and current violations of human rights, while opening the public debate in the dissenting opinion of hitherto marginalized social actors for political reasons. The point of view of authority became confronted with critical perspectives. Diverse and widespread the news information, the competition moved rival versions, fought not only in newspapers but also increasingly in
radios. Conquered with difficulty, the opening met, however, new kicks taken by the cyclical tightening of censorship. To obtain a complete picture of government communication weight, enough to recall that The Times, the first opposition newspaper, recently emerge in 1987. Lack of appropriate, too, that radio stations had more space to do their job. Radio Chilena linked to the Catholic Church was changing his address in a news pastoral information content of which was consistent with the opposition that he longed democracy. Radio Cooperativa, and several more became faithful bastions with mass audiences, leaving behind the days of authoritarian discourse unstoppable. Although this radio suffered repeated sanctions because of the content of their messages and even
cancellation of some of its concessions, managed to soar to the top of the line thanks to his opening news to the country today.
In short, according to testimony gathered by this Committee and the
information from the media to demonstrate the
prison situations, it can be concluded that the latter, isolated as they were, did not constitute an obstacle to policy imposed by the repressive military regime, and in respect of torture, did not direct her complaint. Indeed, there is no record of complaints made by national media, press or television, which realize the method used torture as massive, as is clear from the work of this Commission.
Even more, it should be reiterated that many times
mass media, especially the most massive and national coverage, endorsed without reservation the official version of the evidence of the ongoing repression.
In any case, the issue of torture began to break through to the general public
even before the creation media opponents of the 1970's. The torture never ceased to be in the center of the allegations. Hence, even the partisan press of the military regime should address the issue. Admit it hints of criticism, and some strong sporadic efforts, when compared to everything done by the opposition press in an effort to bring the convenience or the need to respect human rights. However, it is also true that only through information gathered by this Commission has been to calibrate the actual extent of torture in the lives of thousands of people.
0 comments:
Post a Comment